Showing posts with label other people's books. Show all posts
Showing posts with label other people's books. Show all posts

Friday, 7 October 2011

Panic on a Plate by Rob Lyons: A review

In the last eighty years, the proportion of household income spent on food has dropped from a third to less than a tenth. Fruit and vegetables from around the world are on the shelves all year round. Women are no longer chained to a life of domestic drudgery. Malnutrition and rickets are a distant memory. For the first time in history, we who are lucky enough to live in the West do not have to worry about food.

But worry we do – about genetic modification, fast food, BSE, childhood obesity, adult obesity, salt, margarine, cholesterol, fat, pesticides, red meat, food miles, carbon footprints and school dinners. At the very moment when we should be most relaxed about the food supply, we are bombarded with fears. Fast food is “addictive”, so we are told, and the food industry is trying to kill us for profit. Unless we take drastic action, most Britons will be obese by 2030.

As Rob Lyons patiently explains in this splendid plea for sanity, these beliefs owe more to ignorance and prejudice than fact. Take the humble hamburger, which obesity crusaders have chosen as their very own Moby Dick. On the face of it, it is bewildering why “two all beef patties, special sauce, lettuce, cheese, pickles, onions on a sesame seed bun”—to quote the old Big Mac slogan—should be the embodiment of evil. A burger is only bread, meat and salad. Each Big Mac contains 500 calories – a fifth of a man’s daily ‘limit’ - and you wouldn’t want to copy Morgan Spurlock’s silly experiment of eating nothing else, but it is no more fattening than the supposedly more wholesome alternatives. Ketchup is rich in vitamin C and so are fries - surprisingly, a portion of fries contains between a quarter and a third of an adult’s daily recommended vitamin C intake. There are better candidates for demonization in every middle class kitchen. “Cheese is roughly one third fat. Parmesan is also pretty salty. Olive oil is pure fat. Butter must be, by law, 80 per cent fat," writes Lyons. "Honey and raisins – usually regarded as ‘good’ – are practically pure sugar. Orange juice is 87 per cent water, almost all the rest is sugar.”

Although equally calorific, pasta is 'good', chips are 'bad'. Fizzy drinks are out, but fruit juice – though more sugary – is in. Whether measured by salt, sugar, fat or calorie content, there is little to distinguish ‘junk food’ from haute cuisine. Our perception of good and bad food has less to do with nutrition than it does with class. The dominant view of diet in modern Britain, Lyons argues, “has more to do with a combination of middle-class angst and plain old-fashioned snobbery than anything else.” If you are what you eat then junk food is for junk people. Oh, how we sneered at those ghastly common folk in Rotherham when they shoved fish and chips at their offspring through the school railings. Except that these ‘junk food mums’ - these ‘sinner ladies’ - were actually delivering meals, including sandwiches and jacket potatoes, which any adult would remember from their own school-days, and were only doing so because the school had operated a lunchtime lockdown to force the hapless children to eat Jamie Oliver’s low-fat fodder.

The Rotherham 'sinner ladies'

Jamie Oliver is the proverbial bad smell in Panic on a Plate, popping up with depressing regularity as the voice of the diet police. After making the transition from Sainsbury’s shill (catchphrase: “none of that low fat malarkey”) to canteen crusader, the TV chef turned a reasonable campaign for better school dinners into a witch-hunt against the “tossers” and “arseholes” who dared to give their offspring a packed lunch. Few images sum up the absurdity of the obesity panic than the stocky mockney berating stick-thin kids for eating chips. If you watched it with the sound turned off, Jamie's School Dinners was an hour long illustration of how few school children are overweight. Turn the sound up, however, and Oliver was saving these young 'uns from certain death.

Sausage, beans and chips might not be the most adventurous dish, but it is a perfectly nutritious lunch for active teenagers. With their boundless energy and growing bones, children burn off more calories than stout celebrity chefs. They also have naturally conservative palates, hence the nosedive in school dinners being served after the government capitulated to Oliver’s demands and substituted the much-despised Turkey Twizzlers for broccoli.

There is little that can be usefully said about food beyond the common sense observation that calories consumed should be roughly commensurate with energy expended. For the food faddists, it is not a question of excess versus exercise, but of wholesome food versus killer junk. Despairing of the "numpties" of Rotherham, Oliver could only sigh in exasperation: "If these mums want to effectively shorten the lives of their kids and others' kids, then that's down to them." Like many a culinary campaigner, Oliver is fond of repeating the grotesque lie that today’s children will die before their parents. Even when put in its less misleading form of ‘this generation will die at a younger age than their parents’, this reference to the ‘obesity timebomb’ remains unlikely and is belied by ever-increasing life expectancy estimates. Obesity is not going to bankrupt the NHS. Centenarians might.

The inevitability of parents burying their children in extra-large coffins is one of several oft-repeated ‘facts’ parroted by dietary dogmatists which do not stack up. Campaigners rarely acknowledge that obesity rates levelled off on both sides of the Atlantic ten years ago, and the claim that fast food is ‘addictive’ requires a definition of addiction that is so broad it would include any activity people find enjoyable. The claim that it is cheaper to buy 'junk food' than cook a meal at home is demonstrably untrue and the sainted Mediterranean diet has proved to be less healthful than was believed thirty years ago, while fears of salt, GM crops, BSE and manmade fertilisers have been shown to be greatly exaggerated when not utterly groundless.

The middle classes have been susceptible to food faddism since the Victorian era, when the ‘back to the land’ movement ignited the first stirrings of popular vegetarianism and organic farming. As the urban population began to outnumber that of the countryside, a romantic, idealised view of nature emerged which can be seen to this day in such eccentric organisations as the Soil Association and the Center for Science in the Public Interest. “The underlying temper of our times,” writes Lyons, “is that anything processed or industrialised can be seen as adulterated and harmful, while anything that appears to be natural or close to nature can be regarded as pure and uncorrupted.”

Jamie Oliver and his chins

The fetish for organic vegetables epitomizes this foodie flim flam. Study after study has found no health benefits from eating organic produce and even organic devotees are unable to distinguish one from the other in blind trials. Far from being led by the evidence, the organic movement is deeply suspicious of science. Fearful of the slightest trace of ‘chemicals’ and suspicious of industry, the organic/anti-GM crowd is backward looking and elitist (hello, Prince Charles). Over-priced and over-rated, organic food is little more than a tax on the credulous.

Just as Oliver yearned to return to the Golden Age of school dinners (no soggy semolina or concrete chips in his recollection), nostalgia for a bygone age of wholesome grub figures heavily in the modern war on fast and/or convenient food. “Don’t eat anything your great-great-grandmother wouldn’t recognize as food,” says the writer Michael Pollan. Mmm, all those handpicked vegetables and buxom maidens toiling over churns of butter. Jumpers for goalposts. Marvellous.

Or perhaps not. Your grandmother would probably not recognize spaghetti, hummus or kiwi fruits as food, but she would certainly be familiar with bread and dripping, gruel, fried everything and the early symptoms of scurvy. The range and quality of British food has improved immeasurably since the turn of the last century and supermarkets have broadened our horizons considerably. An illustration of this came when Delia Smith updated her 1970s cook books in 1995 and found that: “Almost everyone now has access to good olive oil, fresh herbs, imported cheese. I found myself over and over again deleting the words ‘or if you can’t get it…’” More choice, lower prices, less toil. What's not to like?

What the food faddists don't like is the modern world. After decades of lingering on the fringes of public life, lentil-munching hypochondriacs have now found an audience at a time when the micromanagement of private behavior is the raison d'etre of British politics. The public health establishment is gearing up for a legislative crusade of tax rises and advertising bans on food which is overtly based on the anti-smoking campaign. Big Food is already being wheeled out as the new Big Tobacco, and politicians who lack bigger ideas are happy to lead the assault against what they are told is a new ‘epidemic’. The food on our table will be targeted by law-makers and single-issue campaigners for many years to come. The myths and half-truths discussed in Panic on a Plate will be echoed often and loudly. Prepare yourself by reading this excellent book.


Buy Panic on a Plate from Amazon (UK) or Amazon (USA)

Friday, 3 June 2011

Civil Liberties: Up In Smoke - a review

This week saw the first of this year's Voices of Freedom debates, the topic of which was: "What are smokers’ rights in a free society?" I was one of the speakers so I may be biased, but it seemed a very successful evening, a lively debate and a full house.

It was also the launch of a new book written by Simon Davies of Privacy International on the same subject.  It's a considered and finely balanced discussion of the topic and you can read my review of it at the Free Society—where you can also download the book for free.

Go read.

Friday, 21 January 2011

Gamble!

Patrick Basham is continuing his celebration of all things sinful with a new book about gambling. So if you're in London on 27 January, why not go to his book launch at the Institute of Economic Affairs?

Gambling - A Healthy Bet

The authors argue gambling is a net contributor to public health, economic life, and an important component of a liberal society. Gambling has become a widespread pastime for a simple, single, and unassailable reason: gambling adds to the sum of human happiness. Based upon their rigourous examination of gambling’s many faces and many sides, the authors conclude that policymakers should leave gamblers – and the gambling industry – alone.

27 January 2011, 6.15pm
IEA, 2 Lord North Street, London, SW1 (door on Great Peter Street)


Dr Basham is a nonsmoking teetotaller but I understand that he enjoys a flutter so you can expect his defence of turf accountants, casinos and one-armed bandits to be particularly heartfelt. I'll try to be there if I can afford it (did I miss the protests when Boris Johnson hiked the price of a return journey in Zone 1 of the underground from an already extortionate £5.60 to a frankly criminal £6.60?)

Tuesday, 24 August 2010

A review of Nudge by Richard Thaler & Cass Sunstein

I first came across the term 'libertarian paternalism' in 2008 when Julian Le Grand proposed making smokers buy smoking permits. Le Grand was, and is, a classic Blairite—Eton-educated, champagne socialist, illiberal, wonk—and like all Blairites, he was obsessed with branding. Specifically, he was obsessed with finding friendly buzz-words to help sell unpleasant ideas.

Libertarian paternalism sounds better than authoritarianism. Nudging sounds better than shoving. And so it was that one of the least liberal public health policies imaginable was allowed to be prefixed with the word 'libertarian'. As I wrote in Velvet Glove, Iron Fist, this was an oxymoronic piece of doublespeak if ever there was one.

The idea did not go down well. As Julian the Great later said:

My e-mail inbox exploded. Mostly with pictures of Hitler, I have to say. People were very hostile to that sort of idea. So, although the nudge agenda, I think, does have possibilities I think care has to be taken that people don't feel that it's the nanny state, indeed the nanny state squared.

It is interesting that Le Grand has no voice on his shoulder telling him when he's crossed the line, and instead has to rely on the quantity of hate-mail he receives. Perhaps it's his focus-group mindset. Maybe he just lacks a moral compass. Most likely, as with many public health protagonists, he is an opportunist, lurching towards prohibition but drawing back when the public's apathy turns to disgust.

Le Grand was inspired by the ideas presented in Nudge, a book on behavioural economics written by Richard Thaler and Cass Sunstein. Thaler and Sunstein invented the phrase 'libertarian paternalism'. They also invented the phrase 'choice architecture'. You can see why this kind of management-speak appealed to the political class.

And not just in the Labour party. Nudge is said to be one of the Conservative party's favourite texts at the moment. Nudging is back in fashion and, in a shameless attempt to embrace the zeitgeist, the UK Faculty of Health titled its latest manifesto for authoritarian paternalism 'Healthy Nudges'. This document—which, in reality, is a glorified opinion poll—asserted that:

Sometimes legislation and regulation of the so-called ‘choice architecture’ are important tools for nudging people into making healthier choices.

As far the UK Faculty of Health are concerned, the kind of 'nudges' required are a ban on 'junk food' advertising, raising the minimum age of alcohol purchase to 21, reducing the speed limit in towns to 20mph, a minimum price on alcohol, banning smoking in cars and banning buy-one-get-one-free offers on food.

Since this was all I knew about Nudge, I began reading it this weekend fearing the worst. Nudging, I assumed, would be the latest euphemism for banning and prohibiting. But I was wrong. Nothing in Nudge justifies the kind of prohibitions being mooted by public health campaigners. Authoritarians will find little to console them in this book.

The underlying assumption of Nudge is that human beings are fallible, easily influenced and not always best-placed to judge what is in their own interests. Libertarians will find this a worrying premise from which to start. It echoes the Marxist concept of false consciousness and could be a charter for those who think they know what's best for people. But Thaler and Sunstein never view the public as unwitting dupes of corporations and peer-pressure. Rather, they view people as fundamentally sensible, if not always well informed. As such, they set significant limits on the kind of nudging that can be considered tolerable in a liberal society.

Libertarian paternalism, as defined by Thaler and Sunstein, aims to help people make the best decisions without obstructing those who still wish to make the 'wrong' decisions. In any government intervention, the costs to liberty and the economy should be close to zero. They would like people to save more for their retirement, take out the right mortgage, take advantage of pension schemes, save electricity and not get ripped off by high-pressure salesmen. In practice, this means making information readily available and comprehensible, cooling off periods, warnings and easy opt-outs.

When they talk about making 'good' choices easier, they actually mean it. Unlike the UK Faculty of Health and the last British government, they do not mean banning 'bad' choices. A paternalist solution to stop foreign tourists getting run over in central London would be to ban jaywalking. The libertarian paternalist solution would be to paint 'look right' on the street. It is difficult to see this as an unnecessary intrusion on personal freedom.

Nor do they appeal to the majority to decide the fate of the minority. Nudge almost exclusively deals with helping people avoid situations they could not conceivably desire. If asked, people would generally welcome a safer, healthier or cheaper option. You want to use a sun bed? No problem, but how about we fit the sun bed with a dial to make sure it turns off after ten minutes in case you fall asleep under it? You want to gamble? No problem, but if you know you have a gambling problem how about we enable you to be able to go to a casino and ask them to ban you?

It is hard to see even hardcore libertarians objecting to most of the ideas presented, although there are exceptions. Paying teenage girls a dollar a day to not get pregnant might save the taxpayer money in the long-term but it smacks of the nanny state and encourages public to see themselves as (to quote Alexis de Tocqueville) "a flock of timid and industrious animals, of which the government is the shepherd." Presumed consent for organ donations also sits uneasily with many people—me included—who are uncomfortable with the notion of the state owning its citizens bodies. 

Presumed consent is a classic Nudge problem. There is little doubt that many people would be happy to be organ donors but have not yet registered and will never do so. There is also little doubt that presumed consent would increase the number of organs available and save many lives. If opting out was as easy as making a one-off phone call or visiting a website (as the authors propose), it is difficult to muster up too much antipathy towards it. Presumed consent is not something I am fervently against, but I would like to see a more proactive attempt to get people to register voluntarily before we contemplate coercion. Years ago, I remember donor cards being available at shop counters. All you had to do was pick one up, fill it in and keep it with you. I haven't seem them for years and I doubt this is because budgets have been slashed. There are, in other words, better ways to help make choices easier without the presumption of consent.

The strongest argument against nudging is the slippery slope. Although most of Thaler and Sunstein's ideas would be of no practical detriment to either the target group or the wider public, they do concede that the impact cannot always be reduced to zero. Having accepted that small impositions on liberty and choice are not always avoidable, where does it end?

To be fair, Thaler and Sunstein address the slippery slope argument towards the end of the book, using an apt example:

Governments that start with education might end with stiff fines and even prison terms. The case of cigarettes offers a possible example. Some nations have gone from modest warning labels to much more aggressive information campaigns to high cigarette taxes to bans on smoking in public places, and a smoker would not have to be paranoid to think that the day might eventually come when one or another nation heavily regulates or even bans cigarettes altogether... Faced with the risk of overreaching, critics might think it is better to avoid starting to slide at all. (p. 235-6)

Thaler and Sunstein's counter-argument is that (a) individual proposals should be judged on their own merits; (b) their philosophy automatically puts a limit on further legislation by insisting on low-cost opt-outs; (c) some kind of action is inevitable, so it is better for it to be a nudge than a shove.

I am not fully convinced by these assurances. It seems to me to they overlook how the slippery slope works in practice. In reality, policies are not always judged on their own merits and the appeal to precedent is powerful. How often do we find campaigners demanding that 'loopholes' be closed, despite the fact that these 'loopholes' are actually deliberate exemptions created to make the legislation reasonable in the first place? And how easy has it been for health campaigners to apply the policies first used against the "unique case" of cigarettes to a whole range of products that carry an element of risk?

It may be fallacious to claim that because we are forced to wear seat-belts, we should be forced not to smoke or eat fatty foods, but campaigners who call it 'the next logical step' are not wholly wrong. Those who opposed seat-belt laws in the 1970s did indeed warn of a slippery slope and, what's more, they turned out to be right. One needs to look no further than 'Healthy Nudges' to see the truth of this. It refers to seat-belts no fewer than six times in eight pages. The message is clear—it was for your own good then and it's for your own good now.

When the idea is raised of regulating against allowing smoking in cars when children are on board, politicians are often concerned about legislation in the “private space”. Of course, there are clear parallels with seat-belt legislation...

It is often far cheaper and longer-lasting to introduce regulations or change the law. The classic example of this is the use of seat-belts...

Did politicians of the 1970s intend compulsory seat-belts to be used as a precedent for smoking bans and tax rises? Surely not. Would they have passed the legislation had they known what it would lead to? Probably not. Saying 'we did that therefore we must do this' might be fallacious, but people are susceptible to fallacious arguments. Since Nudge revolves around the idea that human beings are fallible, this point could have been more thoroughly explored.

But perhaps this is to blame the leader for the sins of his followers (see here for an amusing example of how nudging can be abused for malign purposes). If politicians stuck to both the spirit and the letter of Thaler and Sunstein's philosophy, the nudge agenda would be largely benign and almost certainly beneficial. Far from supporting the kind of policies being pursued by the UK Faculty of Health, any British government that was genuinely committed to the Nudge agenda would have no choice but to repeal whole swaths of legislation that already cross the line between libertarianism and paternalism. But as Le Grand and the UK Faculty for Health amply demonstrated, once an idea reaches the mainstream, you no longer get to make the rules.


[Elsewhere, The Guardian (which originally gave it a glowing review) has turned against Nudge for being too libertarian. For an alternative view, Spiked criticised Nudge for being too paternalistic. Who you agree with will depend on your politics.]


Monday, 24 May 2010

From the grave


How cool is this?

Exactly a century after rumours of his death turned out to be entirely accurate, one of Mark Twain's dying wishes is at last coming true: an extensive, outspoken and revelatory autobiography which he devoted the last decade of his life to writing is finally going to be published.

He asked for it not to be published until 2010 and they've honoured his wishes. And it's going to quite a read by all accounts.

The eventual trilogy will run to half a million words, and shed new light on the quintessentially American novelist.

"There is a perception that Twain spent his final years basking in the adoration of fans. The autobiography will perhaps show that it wasn't such a happy time. He spent six months of the last year of his life writing a manuscript full of vitriol, saying things that he'd never said about anyone in print before. It really is 400 pages of bile."

No one seems to know exactly why he demanded a 100 year postponement to publication, but this gives us a hint:

A section of the memoir will detail his little-known but scandalous relationship with Isabel Van Kleek Lyon, who became his secretary after the death of his wife Olivia in 1904. Twain was so close to Lyon that she once bought him an electric vibrating sex toy. But she was abruptly sacked in 1909, after the author claimed she had "hypnotised" him into giving her power of attorney over his estate.

Their ill-fated relationship will be recounted in full in a 400-page addendum, which Twain wrote during the last year of his life. It provides a remarkable account of how the dying novelist's final months were overshadowed by personal upheavals.

"Most people think Mark Twain was a sort of genteel Victorian. Well, in this document he calls her a slut and says she tried to seduce him."

Santa, if you reading, I'd like it for Christmas please.



Thursday, 15 April 2010

Tony Blair: the smoking years


I'm reading Strange Days Indeed by Francis Wheen at the moment, from which...

I have an abiding memory from the late Seventies of my first encounter with a puppyish young barrister named Tony Blair, who turned up at the New Statesman offering a short article about a High Court judgment and then accompanied me to our local pub in High Holborn, where he bought a packet of fags and lit up. 

Cherie Booth later ordered him to kick the habit as a precondition for marrying her; in 2006, as prime minister, he avenged himself by banning smoking in all public buildings. Having a ciggy in a saloon bar is now as unthinkable as driving without a seatbelt.

Explains a lot.