Thursday, 17 November 2011

BMA retracts claim about smoking in cars

The British Medical Association has now retracted its claim that secondhand smoke is 23 times more concentrated in a car with all the windows open than in a smoky bar.

The original claim—press released around the world this week—stated that:

There is evidence to suggest that the levels of SHS present in vehicles can contribute to a serious health hazard for adults and children. Further studies demonstrate that the concentration of toxins in a smoke-filled vehicle is 23 times greater than that of a smoky bar, even under realistic ventilation conditions.

In the studies a number of ventilation conditions were assessed, where airflow parameters included average driving speed, presence of air conditioning and open windows. Realistic ventilation is described as driving at average roads speeds with all four windows completely open.

The BMA has now rewritten their briefing paper (the previous version has now disappeared) so that it now reads:

There is evidence to suggest that the levels of SHS present in vehicles can contribute to a serious health hazard for adults and children. Further studies demonstrate that the concentration of toxins in a smoke-filled vehicle could be up to 11 times greater than that of a smoky bar.

In the studies a number of ventilation conditions were assessed, where airflow parameters included average driving speed, presence of air conditioning and open windows.

Aside from removing the now-notoriously fictitious "23 times" claim, it is significant that the BMA has removed all reference to "realistic conditions". As I have said before, when experiments have been conducted in realistic conditions (ie. with one or more windows at least partially open), the amount of secondhand smoke in a moving vehicle is much lower than in a smoky bar. When all windows are closed and the ventilation is turned off, however, concentrations are higher than in a smoky bar. Of course they are. Cars are smaller than bars. That's why people who smoke in a car open the window.

The BMA's half-correction is welcome. I wonder if they will use their formidable PR machine to make sure the media get the message? (Rhetorical question). The fact remains that millions of people have now been informed that secondhand smoke in a car under realistic conditions "is 23 times" more concentrated than secondhand smoke in a bar.

Now, with the world's media having moved on, the BMA has little to lose by quietly announcing that what they meant to say was that secondhand smoke in a car under unrealistic conditions "could be up to 11 times" more concentrated than secondhand smoke in a smoky bar.

Perhaps the BMA should launch a campaign to make people smoke under realistic conditions?


UPDATE:

I'm grateful to Ivan who has left a comment leading me to this interview from the Today programme with Dr Vivienne Nathanson, the head of science and ethics at the BMA. The fact that she wants it to be illegal for people to smoke in their own car demonstrates her weak grasp of ethics. This interview demonstrates her weak grasp of science.

Bear in mind that this immediately followed an interview with Simon Clark who mentioned the debunking of the "23 times" claim in the Canadian Medical Association Journal.

Interviewer: What is the evidence?

Nathanson: Well, the evidence is, in fact, that the levels of toxins that can build up in a car do reach 23 times the levels in a smoky bar...

Interviewer: And that is—sorry to interrupt you—but that is peer-reviewed?

Nathanson: Yes, absolutely.

Interviewer: Everyone in the scientific community accepts that it's true?

Nathanson: Absolutely.

Pretty emphatic stuff, there. Of course, what the peer-reviewed study actually says is...

We recommend that researchers and organizations stop using the 23 times more toxic factoid because there appears to be no evidence for it in the scientific literature.

It's also worth reading this blog post which casts a critical eye on some of the other claims in the BMA's latest report.

The BMA's tactical victory

The BMA appeared to put their foot in it yesterday with their 'ban smoking in cars' media blitz. Firstly, they used a thoroughly discredited junk statistic. Secondly, they demanded that it be illegal for a person to smoke in a car by his or herself—a policy that most people rightly regard as the nanny state gone berserk.

All of this made it easier for those of us who discussed the proposed ban on television and radio. At the very least, we were able to make the public aware that the BMA's grasp of the science is weaker than is generally assumed. Readers of the Telegraph, the Independent, Spiked and Full Fact can consider themselves better informed than most.

But if relying on the absurd "23 times more toxic" canard was a blunder, I'm not so sure than calling for a total ban was also a cock-up. I tend to share the view of Simon Clark that it was a deliberate strategy.

My view, for what it’s worth, is that it’s tactical. The BMA’s declaration coincides with the second reading of Labour MP Alex Cunningham’s Private Members’ Bill which calls for a ban on smoking in private vehicles when children are present. It’s listed to be debated on Friday 25 November.

The BMA has possibly worked out that by calling for more extreme action, the coalition government may see a ban on smoking in cars with children as a reasonable compromise.

I may be right because, unknown to me (I have only just read it), the Huffington Post this morning published a piece by Dame Helena Shovelton, chief executive of the British Lung Foundation, entitled Calls for a Ban on Smoking in Cars Are Welcome, but Action on Children Is Needed Now. (I assume that my article is intended to be a companion piece.)

As we know (and I respect them for it), the tobacco control industry is very well coordinated. Alex Cunningham, the BMA and the BLF are not working in splendid isolation. They will be working together, I'm sure, and privately they will all be singing from the same hymnsheet. First, a ban on smoking in cars with children, then a ban on smoking in all private vehicles.

By calling for the latter now the BMA is trying to make a ban on smoking in cars with children appear more liberal. They will be delighted with that, believe me, because they know that, after that, a ban on smoking in all vehicles is only a matter of time.

There are two routes to prohibition. One is to move incrementally—the salami slice approach—as is happening with alcohol advertising. The other is to appeal to the public's sense of compromise by making extreme demands. Back in 2003, The Lancet called on the government to ban the sale of tobacco completely in an editorial titled 'How do you sleep at night Mr Blair?' Although widely derided, this editorial opened an Overton window which made a total ban on smoking in 'public' places—which had previously been seen as the most extreme measure available—seem almost moderate.

Let there be no doubt. The BMA believes it is perfectly appropriate for the police to stop and fine adults for smoking a cigarette in their own car, even when no one else is in it. They have the ethics of a rattlesnake and will undoubtedly campaign for a total ban in the future, just as The Lancet will one day renew its call for tobacco prohibition. Compromise in anathema to them, but expect them to suddenly present themselves as compromisers in the next days and weeks.

Wednesday, 16 November 2011

The British Medical Association spices up an old myth with a new lie

I predicted last night that...

The chances are [the British Medical Association] will claim that a cigarette smoked in a car exposes passengers to either 23 or 27 times more secondhand smoke than they would get from a whole night in a smoky bar. Both of these statistics are obviously absurd.

In the end they plumped for the "23 times" figure despite it being thoroughly debunked in the Canadian Medical Association Journal, which offered this advice to advocates:

We recommend that researchers and organizations stop using the 23 times more toxic factoid because there appears to be no evidence for it in the scientific literature.

Did that stop the BMA resurrecting this zombie statistic?

It did not. Not only are the BMA bandying around a figure for which there is "no evidence in the scientific literature", but they have added a fresh layer of nonsense to it.

There is evidence to suggest that the levels of SHS present in vehicles can contribute to a serious health hazard for adults and children.

Further studies demonstrate that the concentration of toxins in a smoke-filled vehicle is 23 times greater than that of a smoky bar, even under realistic ventilation conditions.

In the studies a number of ventilation conditions were assessed, where airflow parameters included average driving speed, presence of air conditioning and open windows. Realistic ventilation is described as driving at average roads speeds with all four windows completely open.

The BMA seem to be suffering from undiagnosed pseudologia fantastica. Their new briefing paper supplies three references for their bizarre claim about "realistic ventilation". Only one of the named studies experimented with a scenario in which all the windows were open. The researchers called it 'Condition 3' (PM is particulate matter)...

At the other extreme, in Condition 3 (all windows open all the way while driving), the PM2.5 level was the lowest (M = 60.4 μg/m3, range = 15.7 to 220.5 μg/m3).

And how does that compare to a "smoky pub"?

To provide some context about the PM2.5 levels recorded in this study, in a recent report of PM2.5 levels in Irish pubs throughout the world, the average level of PM2.5 in 48 Irish pubs that allowed smoking was 340 μg/m3.

Pedants and sceptics would say that there is a bit of a difference between "23 times higher" and "82% lower" but what the hell, eh? If the BMA says it, it must be true.

Tuesday, 15 November 2011

Smoking in cars: groundhog day

Word has it that the British Medical Association is going to have another stab at campaigning for a smoking ban in cars today. This is turning into an biannual crusade and I don't have any more to say about it than I did in all these previous posts.

The chances are they will claim that a cigarette smoked in a car exposes passengers to either 23 or 27 times more secondhand smoke than they would get from a whole night in a smoky bar. Both of these statistics are obviously absurd. The "27 times" canard comes from an unpublished, non-peer-reviewed study presented at a conference nine years ago. It was heavily rigged towards getting the "right" result and finally concluded...

The calculated exposure for a five hour automobile trip with the windows closed/ventilation off and with a smoking rate of 2 cigarettes per hour is 25 times higher than the same exposure scenario in a residence.

"Residence" is not quite a "smoky bar" and "windows closed/ventilation off" is not exactly a realistic scenario for a smoker on a five hour car journey, but nevermind. And no, I don't know why 25 got changed to 27, but this is the reference ASH use for the claim.

The "23 times" claim is even more fun, because it involves a rare mea culpa from tobacco control. In a study in the Canadian Medical Association Journal entitled 'Second-hand smoke in cars: How did the “23 times more toxic” myth turn into fact?', MacKenzie and Freeman showed that the "fact" was entirely without scientific evidence and stemmed from a, obscure quote in a local newspaper in 1998 (as I had revealed on this blog two months earlier).

They concluded with the following unheeded recommendation:

We recommend that researchers and organizations stop using the 23 times more toxic factoid because there appears to be no evidence for it in the scientific literature.

I'll be talking about this on BBC Sussex at around 9.40 am.

Don't panic

I've got an article over at The Independent today covering many of the facts about alcohol of which readers of this blog will be familiar, but politicians seemingly are not.

Yes, we are drinking more than we did in the immediate post-war years. An economic depression sandwiched by two world wars reduced alcohol consumption to the lowest in our history, but austerity Britain can hardly be considered a typical reference point. Using more relevant benchmarks, we are drinking less than we did in 1914 and very much less than we did in previous centuries. We are drinking only marginally more than we did thirty years ago and—here is a seldom spoken truth—we are drinking less than we did in 2002.

Yes, there are millions of us who exceed our ‘daily limits’ (they’re actually weekly guidelines). How could we not? These guidelines were not based on any real evidence when they were set in 1987 and methodological changes have since dragged several million more of us over the line of ‘hazardous drinking’. Limits that do not allow for tipsiness, let alone drunkenness, deserve to be ignored and yet the percentage of men and women drinking above the ‘limits’ has still been falling for a decade, with the largest decline seen amongst young men.

By comparison with our European neighbours, we are firmly mid-table in the alcohol consumption stakes, behind France, Germany and Spain and far behind the Czech Republic and Luxembourg. In terms of alcohol taxation, however, we are Champions League contenders. The UK has the second highest excise duty on wine, the third highest excise duty on beer and the fourth highest excise duty on spirits. ‘Rip-off Britain’, perhaps, but hardly ‘Boozy Britain’.

The comments are generally positive. Do go have a read.

Heart miracles are impossible

King-size cigarette,
pint-size intellect
It's good to see Dr. Carl V. Philips back and blogging over at Ep-ology. In his last two posts he has been discussing the North Carolina heart miracle 'study', which is as bad a piece of advocacy-driven junk science as you will ever see.

In particular, he makes a point which I have tried to made before, which is absolutely fundamental to all the heart miracle studies. The results they report—of heart attacks falling by 17%, 21%, 40% or whatever—are simply impossible.

Let's go along with the "consensus" view that long-term secondhand smoke exposure increases the lifetime risk of heart disease by around 20-30%. Nevermind whether that is a realistic estimate. For good or ill, it is the figure used by the Surgeon General and other authorities, and it is accepted by those who conduct the heart miracle studies.

That being the case, is it plausible that the elimination of secondhand smoke from restaurants, offices and bars could reduce the heart attack rate by 21% (as reported in North Carolina) or 40% (as reported in Helena, Montana)?

It is not.

For one thing, most restaurants, some bars and nearly all offices were non-smoking before the ban. In addition, many non-smokers avoided the few remaining smoky venues before the ban. The vast majority of heart attack cases are elderly and not the kind of people to be out partying in bars, nor indeed working in pubs or waiting tables in restaurants. Furthermore, the amount of secondhand smoke inhaled by this subsection of non-smokers before the ban is minimal compared to the long-term exposure that the 20-30% figure is based on.

As Carl explains...

How many people go from being exposed to restaurant/bar smoke to unexposed as a result of the ban? It is a bit fuzzy to define this since there will be a lot of people whose exposure is reduced, and a spectrum of how much it is reduced. But we can start with the observation that roughly half of everyone had approximately zero such exposure before the ban, never or almost never going out to eat and drink, or avoiding smoking-allowed venues when they did...

Thus, even if you believed that exposure at the level of visiting restaurants and bars causes somewhat more than 20% increase in risk, which is an absurd belief in itself, there is no possible way the effect of the smoking ban could be more than about half of the claimed 21%.

Even if we assume that secondhand smoke does cause heart attacks, smoking bans have so little effect on so few non-smokers (and have no effect at all on the smokers, unless it compels them to quit), that the kind of reductions in the heart attack rate reported by these studies defy both science and common sense. If there is an effect, it is too small to measure and would never show up in population-level statistics. Once that is understood, it is obvious that any studies which claim a dramatic effect on the heart attack rate must be flawed, cherry-picked or distorted. Sure enough, when such studies are examined, they prove to be flawed, cherry-picked and distorted.

We can figure that half of the population was not exposed in the first place, that easily a third of those exposed were smokers, that many of those exposed had very minor and occasional exposure, and that many others that were exposed had only a minor reduction in exposure since most of their exposure was elsewhere. So it seems unlikely that even one-fifth of the population experienced a substantial reduction in exposure, getting the effect down below 1% of the total.

If, to take North Carolina as an example, the smoking ban caused the heart attack rate to drop by 21%—which it unequivocally did not—it follows that smoking in bars, restaurants and offices must have been responsible for a fifth of all heart attacks before the ban.

It is quite possible that thirty years of induced panic about passive smoking has persuaded many people that such diluted tobacco smoke is capable of wreaking such havoc, but the empirical evidence shows that it cannot be so. If it were, the relative risk from secondhand smoke exposure would be far higher than 20-30%. Indeed, secondhand smoke would be responsible for more heart attacks than smoking. It would mean that passive smoking (at work and at home) was the single biggest risk factor for heart attacks. Even the most tobaccophobic hypochondriac surely cannot believe such a thing.

In the case of Stanton Glantz's bar-lowering Helena study (2004), the smoking ban effect was even greater—an astonishing 40%. Again, this implies that smoking in a subsection of private venues was responsible for two-fifths of all heart attacks before the ban—a manifestly risible idea.

Interestingly, Glantz must have known that his findings were inherently implausible because he addressed them in the text of the study itself. His comments tell you much about the man's mathematical illiteracy and, sadly, tell us much about the decline of the peer-review process (the study was published in the prestigious British Medical Journal). He wrote:

The effect associated with the smoke-free law may seem large but is consistent with the observed effects of secondhand smoke on cardiac disease. Secondhand smoke increases the risk of a myocardial infarction by about 30%; if all this effect were to occur immediately, we would expect a fall of - 0.30 x 40.5 = - 12.2 in admissions during the six months the law was in effect, which is within the 95% confidence interval for the estimate of the effect (a drop of - 32.2 to - 0.8 admissions).

His argument here is that secondhand smoke exposure increases the risk of heart disease by 30% and so, "if all this effect were to occur immediately", a smoking ban should reduce the heart attack rate by around 30%. 40% is, he concedes, a little higher than might be expected but it is within the margin of error.

This piece of reasoning is so patently flawed that I still cannot believe it was allowed to be published. Let's leave aside the fanciful idea that the effect of a lifetime's exposure would suddenly be nullified by a smoking ban in non-domestic settings. The key point is that Glantz ignores the fact that secondhand smoke is one of dozens, if not hundreds, of risk factors for heart attacks (or heart disease—he treats them as if they were the same thing). He seems not to comprehend the difference between relative risk and absolute risk. He does not acknowledge that a relative risk which affects a subsample of the nonsmoking population is not going to have a commensurate effect on the entire population. And he implicitly treats secondhand smoke as if it were the sole cause of heart disease. These are staggering schoolboy errors for a man with pretensions of being an epidemiologist (which just goes to show that a degree in mechanical engineering is not always the best grounding for a career in cardiology).

Look at it this way. If using a mobile phone while driving increases your risk of having an accident by 90%, what will be the effect on the number of car crashes in a country that bans the practice?

The answer is that we do not know. There are countless other risk factors for car crashes and so, even if using a mobile phone has a substantial effect on individual risk, the effect at the population level will be too small to measure.

By Glantz's logic, however, the effect of a mobile phone ban will be to reduce the number of car crashes by 90%—because he doesn't understand the basic difference between individual relative risk and absolute risk to the population. How can he be so ignorant? There are, as Carl says, only two possibilities.

Interestingly, it is not entirely clear whether he spouts junk because he has not acquired a modicum of understanding about the science in the field where he has worked for decades, or because he is a sociopath-level liar; I am not entirely sure which is the more charitable interpretation.

Do go read both of Carl's pieces about the North Carolina nonsense:

Unhealthful News 189 - Absurd claims about the effects of smoking place restrictions, North Carolina edition (Part 1)


Unhealthful News 190 - Absurd claims about the effects of smoking place restrictions, North Carolina edition (Part 2)


Friday, 11 November 2011

Better the devil you know

The Guardian has some unsurprising news about mephedrone (AKA meow meow, m-cat, bubble, etc.)

Mephedrone was classified in the UK as a Class B substance in April last year. Prior to the ban it was a "legal high", with users buying it primarily from websites that advertised it as "plant food". Since then prices have approximately doubled to £20 per gram and the trade has been taken over by street dealers.

UK Home Office figures published in July found mephedrone ranks joint second with cocaine behind cannabis in popularity among 16- to 24-year-olds, with 4.4% having taken it in the previous 12 months.

Yes, it's another triumph for prohibition. Mephedrone is one of dozens of drugs to have surfaced as legal highs in recent years. Most legal highs have little going for them apart from their legality. Mephedrone's staying power suggests that it has qualities which allow it to compete as a controlled substance. Whether it is truly dangerous—let alone addictive, as The Guardian's report claims—remains to be seen. All the mephedrone-related deaths reported in the media before it was banned turned out not to be mephedrone-related at all (as readers of The Art of Suppression will know). Since it was banned, there has been talk of 200 deaths, but, if so, specific incidents have been uncharacteristically absent from the newspapers.

All of which leads me to mention the article I wrote for City AM yesterday, the theme of which is the futility of this war on chemistry.

Despite immense efforts by police, customs officers and legislators, there has been no decline in the nation’s consumption of illicit chemicals since the ecstasy panic peaked fifteen years ago. What we have instead is an ever-widening menu of narcotics about which users and authorities know little.

One proposed solution is to introduce a law similar to the USA’s Analog Act which automatically bans drugs which are “substantially similar” to banned substances. The idea is tempting in its simplicity, but this Nixon-era legislation is too vague to be legally useful and has rarely been invoked. The grey market continues to be one step ahead of legislation.

An alternative solution was proposed last week by Dr James Bell, of the South London and Maudsley NHS Foundation Trust, who suggested abandoning the unwinnable war against chemistry in favour of legalisation. All calls for drug liberalisation fall on stony political ground and Bell’s was no different, but there would be no better way of stopping the flood of dubious chemicals than a regulated free market. These drugs are nobody’s first choice. BZP was originally a worming tablet for cattle. Ketamine was a veterinary anaesthetic. GBL was a superglue remover. In all likelihood, that is what they would have remained had ecstasy not been banned.

Nobody made 80 per cent proof gin in their bathtubs after prohibition was repealed in 1933. Instead, Americans turned from distilled spirits to beer, the number of alcohol poisonings fell and the murder rate subsided. There is a lesson there for those fighting against narcotic moonshine today.

Do go read it all.